In his remarks on his forward on the “VOICE OF LIBERATION,” a book on the synopsis of the four years of the administration of Governor Mohammed Goni of Borno State, the Lagos State Governor, Alhaji Lateef Jakande writes: “In between efforts to provide water for both domestic and agricultural purpose and build more schools and construct roads to link various parts of the state, Governor Goni had to struggle with forces of darkness, who were bent on pulling down his Government.
“That he resisted various attempts aimed at diverting him from his course and undermining his administration was a great tribute to his statesmanship.
“In particular, his handling of the inhuman kidnapping and deportation of Shugaba Abdul Rahman Darman, the Majority Leader in the Borno State House of Assembly by the Federal Government, has earned him the respect of all peace- loving people. He remained unruffled when faced with this unprecedented and outrageous act of a Government that was sworn to protect every Nigerian citizen.
“Alhaji Mohammed Goni has made history. His very election as Governor was historic. It so baffled his opponents that they vowed that he will not stay longer than three months in office. Their prophecy has been falsified.
“They also threatened that Shugaba Darman would only return to Borno State if and when the late Dipcharima, a former Federal Minister, came back to life. That prophecy also was proved wrong by Mohammed Goni. Dipcharima (May his soul rest in peace) remains dead but Shugaba Darman is back in Borno State.”
In his Inaugural speech in Maiduguri as the first Executive Governor of Borno State on Monday, October 1979, Governor Goni declared: “Those with vested interest in the perpetuation of the entrenched ills of society will find the stand of this in-coming Administration at best uncomfortable and at worst down right objectionable.
“This administration wishes it be known right from the start that it has not been elected by the public to perpetuate the status quo. It has been elected because people want change and God willing change they shall get.”
To be able to appreciate the forces at play this time around and why conflicts were inevitable, especially between the ruling GNPP party in Borno and the NPN opposition party, in the state, it is necessary one looks into the nature, objectives and orientations of the respective parties and the way and manner the two parties went in recruiting followership. Suffice to say that in the Northern states at least, and in Borno State, especially, the G.N.P.P with its motto of “Justice to the people/ADALCHI” and its philosophy of “politics without bitterness,” seemed to have mobilized the broad generality of the peasantry and urban working-class to its side. The NPN on the other hand seemed to have obtained what support base it got mainly by manipulating what they called the “Northern identity and Northern interests” in most of the Northern states and the desire of others “not to be on the losing side” elsewhere in the country. In respect of each of the two parties, the background and personality of respective candidates might also have mattered in specific elections. The composition of the leadership cadre of the two parties from the point of view of their backgrounds, personal history etc, were also carefully observed and weighed by discerning members of the electorate, before they cast their lot for one or the other of the two parties. From all these and other criteria of analysis, it was quite clear to the electorate that, by and large, the N.P.N represented a party of the privileged, wishing to take control of power in order to obtain and distribute such privilege. The GNPP, also by and large, appeared to be protesters against the unequal nature of privilege sharing in our society, and would wish for a more just and more rational basis of sharing the “National Cake”, and also a more efficient way of “Cooking of National Cake.” These differences, in the eyes of their respective believers, were by no means slim.
Before his election as the governor of Borno State, Goni was in war, after the election before taking oath of office, he was in war; after taking over the mantle of leadership of state, he was in war. Throughout his four-year tenure, he was in war. After leaving office he was in war. Mohammedu, a student union leader, an apostle of the late Mallam Aminu Kano School of Ideology and a nonconformist, was a Kanuri warrior that fought several wars within and without.
GONI THE UNWILLING HORS.
Unknown to many, Mohammed Goni never wanted to be governor. He was contented as a civil servant, where he applied the rigid rules and norms.
When the ban on politics was lifted in 1978 for commencement of political activities, Mohammed Goni was invited by some people in Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNPP), one of the registered political parties, to come forward and lead them. Goni, who was this time the Company Secretary/ Administrative Manager of the National Supply Company in Lagos, declined the offer. Pressures were mounted on him from various quarters to persuade him, but to no avail. However, not leaving anything to chances, his avowed supporters, without his consent, went ahead to complete all necessary documentation with regard to his candidature as one of governorship aspirants in the Borno GNPP governorship primaries.
The nickname “Goni the Lucky” came to play again during the party
gubernatorial primary as he was elected in absentia, beating his rival
, Ahaji Abba Jiddum Gana, a diplomat, by a wide margin votes of 166 to 18.
Despite the landslide victory at the party primaries, Mohammed Goni still remained adamant. Then followed by unprecedented consultations, mounted pressures, appeals from several quarters and with final push from his wife, Mohammed Goni yielded and resigned his appointment from the National Supply Company for the governorship race.
The governorship election came and Goni won, beating his closest rival, Alhaji Kam Selem, a retired Inspector General of Police of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN).
Alhaji Kam Selem, the defeated NPN governorship candidate, rejected outright the election of Mohammed Goni and blurted out, “The government of the GNPP in Borno State is a temporary government. We will bring it down in three months.” True to his words, within the first three months, the NPN as a party, undertook to contest most of the elections they had lost, including the gubernatorial elections at the Election Tribunal sitting in Maiduguri. Presided over by Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, they lost all their cases at the tribunal, including the Southern Borno Senatorial re-e1ection ordered by the tribunal in which the NPN candidate, was second time defeated by the GNPP candidate. Not contented with the tribunal’s verdict, they proceeded to challenge the constituted authority of the Borno State Government and its agencies, both in the State capital and rural areas, by appointing parallel structures of administration, especially in the traditional sector, where they knew the fibre of state administration lay and where also they knew or believed that they could manipulate the gullibility of the rural folks to persist in their recklessness. In pursuance, they proceeded to appoint grassroots officials, ranging from Bulama/Dagachi/Wards-Head to village Heads, District Heads and in one case (of course, it can only be one!) a Shehu and also an Alkali.
There were accusations and counter-accusations of intimidation, harassment, political victimization, bloody backs and suppression of rights and liberty of political opponents by the GNPP government of Borno State and the NPN, the opposition party in the state backed by the Federal Government.
Before the shout of Jack Robinson, Borno State designated “Home of Peace and Hospitality” with the GNPP philosophy of “Politics without bitterness” became home of pieces and politics of bitterness, and hatred as the state witnessed in succession political clashes, b1ood, deaths and sorrow masterminded by the chieftains and supporters of GNPP and NPN.
The NPN saw non-NPN supporters, especially the GNPP supporters, as veritable enemies and vice versa. To a great extent, the degree of the animosity was mutual. The Bembem Crisis Judicial Commission of Inquiry, in its findings, captured the mood of mutual hostility in the following words:
To the supporters of both parties, the slogan” Adalchi”of the GNPP and “Aminchi” of the NPN were abusive and repulsive words, or taken as such and neither side at Bembem on the fateful day took kindly to them….what is said of Bembem, at that point in time could be said so for the whole state. The Commission continued. Daggers-drawn animosity and hostility permeated the political arena in the state; the political situation was tense and security of the state was unstable. Riots, clashes, ambush, threats to life, killings and destruction of properties were rampant.
But even more ominously, the Commission observed, ”No police action, if
any at all on some of these riots etc., like the burning of Uno (Nduguno)village, (which occurred) about six months ago and other atrocities(was taken), “added the report.
The deportation of Majority Leader, Alhaji Shugaba Abdulrahman Darman, the Majority leader in the Borno State House of Assembly by Shagari’s administration, left sour taste in the mouths of most Nigerians. Without warning or trial, Mallam Mohammed Mofio, a Senior Immigration Officer accompanied by his men (NSO) and under the instruction of the Federal Government, in the wee of the night of January, 23, 1980, forced their way into Alhaji Shugaba’s house in Mafoni ward of Maiduguri, took him away and drove him hundreds of kilometres all through Borno and finally dumped him at the river separating Chad Republic and Cameroon Republic. His offence was that he was not a Nigerian and a security risk. The nation and the world roared at this insensitivity and human degradation to the personality of the majority leader.
Surprised at this act of illegality and barbarism, Goni’s administration challenged the Federal Government’s action at the Maiduguri High Court. In his judgment, Justice Oye Adefila presiding over the court, declared the action of the Federal Government as draconian, unconstitutional breach of the fundamental human rights of the Majority leader. Justice Adefila declared Shugaba a true Nigerian and awarded him the sum of N250, 000 as compensatory and aggravated damages for the illegal deportation of a Nigerian from his country. Not satisfied with the judgement, Shagari’s administration went on appeal but lost again.
It is on record that despite the loss of its appeal in Kaduna Zone of the Court of Appeal, the Federal Government refused to pay the fine ordered by the Appeal Court against it throughout the tenure of President Shagari’s administration, a case of abuse of power and utter disregard to the sanctity of the court. However, the coming to power of President Ibrahim Babangida’s administration saw the payment of the amount involved to Alhaji Shugaba.
Impeachment of the state Chief Judge, Justice Kali Anyah, by the Borno State House of Assembly on various allegations, which centred on professional misconduct and abuse of office. Following the impeachment, the most senior judge in the state in person of Justice Oye Adefila was appointed as the acting Chief Judge by Governor Mohammed Goni. However, the embattled Justice Anyah refused to leave office and instead, sat in his own court, ruled that his removal from the office by the State Assembly was null and void. This provoked litigations rubbing upon litigations on the judiciary, executive and state legislature. Irked by the refusal of Justice Anyah to leave office after impeachment and instead continued sitting at the court, Governor Goni attempted to move into Kalu’s court on the allegation to force him out, but he was blocked at the entrance of the court complex in Maiduguri by Alhaji Tahiru Jiddah, the state Commissioner of Police.
It would by recalled that the action of Justice Anyah in sitting on his case and passing judgment in his own favour was, nationwide and beyond, condemned. A Maiduguri high court presided over by Justice Koumi Kolo later nullified the judgment of Justice Kalu Anyah and described his action as a shameful act. The impeachment of Justice Anyah and its fallouts created bad blood between the executive, state legislature on one hand and the judiciary on the other.
Neither was Governor Goni comfortable with the state Commissioner of Police, Tahiru Jiddah, whom he requested severally from the Inspector General of Police for redeployment on the allegation that he was partisan and no longer command the Governor’s confidence. Goni’s plea never yielded results as Tahiru Jiddah outlived him in office.
Maitasine riot in Maiduguri.
Side by side with various challenges that engulfed Goni’s administration this time was the Maitasine religious revolt at Bulumkutu, in the state capital. This security challenge was, however, quickly nipped in the bud, but with casualties in civilian and security personnel.
GNPP Intra Party Crisis
Towards the end of the four year first tenure of Goni’s administration, the hitherto impregnable GNPP state government and party became divided over the issue of whether to join the proposed Progressive Peoples Party (PPP), a formation of NPN, the party at the centre along with parties of like mind or to remain in the Progressive Parties Alliance (PPA) made up mostly of the opposition parties controlling most states’ administration. Thus, not in one accord in this issue or issues at stake, there emerged within the GNPP fold, the conservatives, the liberals and the radicals, posing a dreadful posture of incompatibility with each group finding compatible outlets. Consequently, Goni’s group made of up of radicals, chose to remain in the PPA, left the GNPP for Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). Goni, thereafter contested the 1983 Governor Governorship election of Borno State on the platform of UPN and Engr. Mohammed Abba Gana on the platform of GNPP, both lost to Alhaji Asheikh Jarma of NPN.
Double trial and acquittal of Mohammed Goni at the military Tribunal.
Following the overthrow of Shagari’s government in a military coup by General Sani Abacha and others, most governors, ministers, and others of the ousted regime were tried by military tribunal of General Muhammadu Buhari administration on charges of corruption. Governor Goni was tried twice by separate tribunals and twice acquitted.
Thus, throughout his tenure, Governor Goni’s administration was on a red alert, ears to the ground and eyes wide-open. However, despite the challenges, Goni’s administration was focused and delivered on the mandate promised. As a result of its unprecedented achievements, Goni’s administration remains so far the “Golden Era” of the achievements in the annals of modern Borno. Following are some of the administration’s landmarks.
GONI THE NATIONALIST: A true patriot and nationalist, who not only demonstrated national unity through his administration’s open door policy, but his active involvement in the meetings of the Progressive Governors Forum, a platform that enhanced unity amongst the governors of Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), People’s Redemption Party (PRP), the Great Nigeria People’s Party (GNPP) and Nigeria Peoples Party (NPP) for a common cause and national interest.
As a matter of fact, it is strongly believed that Governor Goni was one of the founding members of the Governor’s Forum that kept Shagari’s administration on its toes throughout his tenure.
As a true Nigerian, Mohammed Goni appointed Nigerians outside Borno into his cabinet and other areas of his administration, irrespective of their leanings, creed or abode. For example, Chief Micheal Olowolaiyemo from Kwara State was appointed the Secretary to Borno State Government. Justice Kalu Anyah from Imo State was appointed the first Borno State Chief Judge while Barrister Olakunle Sanyaolu from Abeokuta was the State Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice.
There were similar appointments of non-indigenes to the Boards of parastatals and agencies. Those appointments included Alhaji Ismail Ogini to the State Sports Council and Mr. Victor Izekor into Borno Radio and Television board. These appointments were nationwide acclaimed, but nevertheless provoked some opposition. Governor Goni made records, when he broke the monopoly of men’s membership of State Executive council in this part of the country as he brought Hajja Hamra Imam into his cabinet as Commissioner for Establishment.
Governor Goni in his uniqueness style of administration enhanced and promoted inter-state visits among the governors, irrespective of their political affiliation.
One of the enduring legacies of his administration was the promotion and encouragement of economic and social ties between the Borno State Government and the rest of the country. This regional co-operation translated even down the level of cooperation and understanding amongst the agencies of the affected states. As a matter of fact, this was more pronounced in relation between Borno state and the Southwestern states. For example, while the Lagos State administration of Governor Lateef Jakande advanced
